Human Rights and
International Democratic Solidarity

Latino-Cuban Dialogue

Promotion of the Political Opening in Cuba

01-20-2025

Cuba’s shadow on the Venezuelan tragedy and contradictions of the international democratic community

Condemning the Venezuelan dictatorship and ignoring the Cuban one is like seeing the tree but not the forest.
Foto: Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de Cuba

Before the end of his term, U.S. President Joe Biden removed Cuba from the list of state sponsors of terrorism and relaxed economic sanctions; and the Cuban dictatorship announced the “release” of 553 prisoners. A simple Google search for “Cuba release political prisoners” will yield results of all the times something similar has happened, that is, a perverse State policy of using innocent human beings, who are imprisoned for exercising human rights that in Cuba are considered crimes and then used as bargaining chips for international concessions.

But leaving aside the domestic debate in the United States, the possibility of a political opening in Cuba is difficult to imagine without the involvement of Latin American and European countries in its claim. In this regard, we must begin by pointing out the inconsistency in denouncing the fraud, repression and the illegitimate takeover of the Venezuelan presidency by Nicolás Maduro and not saying anything about the one-party regime in Cuba, where Article 21, paragraph 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is constitutionally violated.

And when something is said when comparing with Venezuela, as in the case of former Uruguayan President José Mujica, regarding the fact that in Cuba “they solved it and chose the single party”, it shows a cynicism and discrimination towards the Cuban people that is unworthy of a person who was elected to several positions after participating in competitive elections and whose Movement for Popular Participation (Tupamaros) is part of a coalition (Frente Amplio) of more than 20 different political groupings!

Gabriel Boric in Chile and Gustavo Petro in Colombia reached the presidency after social protests in their respective countries, but they have never raised their voices about the repression and massive imprisonments in Cuba as a result of the massive protests of July 11 and 12, 2021. With their silence, those who exercised the human right to protest in Chile and Colombia are accomplices of those who repressed and imprisoned peaceful demonstrators in Cuba.

As Uruguayan writer Carlos Liscano (1949-2023), who was a Tupamaro militant, political prisoner, exiled in Sweden and later an official in the governments of Tabaré Vázquez and José “Pepe” Mujica, pointed out in his book “Cuba, de eso mejor ni hablar”: “The Latin American democratic left cannot think clearly until it clarifies its position regarding the Cuban Revolution and expressly states that the Castro dictatorship not only violates human rights, but does not even acknowledge that they exist”.

The European Union, on the other hand, seems not to have taken notice of the setbacks in human rights after the signing of the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement in 2016 with the non-democratic government of Cuba, a faithful ally of the autocracies of Russia, Belarus and, obviously, Venezuela. A change in EU policy towards Cuba would be desirable with the new Head of European diplomacy, Estonian Kaja Kallas, whose country suffered from communism. But for that to happen, it is necessary that those in charge of relations with Cuba from the European External Action Service do not continue to be Spanish EU diplomats nostalgic for the Cuban “revolution” but instead officials from countries with a tradition of diplomacy committed to human rights in Cuba.

Nor in Latin America or Europe did they even take note of the detailed conclusions of the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, on “Crimes against humanity committed through the State's intelligence services: structures and individuals involved in the implementation of the plan to repress opposition to the Government” of December 20, 2022.

Section 4 of this report of the UN Human Rights Council includes the “Memorandum of Understanding with Cuba”, which states the following:

  • Former DGICM officials told the Mission that Cubans trained, advised and participated in intelligence and counter-intelligence activities with DGCIM. Such collaboration can be dated back at least to a confidential Memorandum of Understanding (hereinafter “MOU”) signed in 2008 by the Governments of Cuba and Venezuela, reviewed by the Mission, which tasked the Cuban Ministry of Defence with overseeing the restructuring of the Venezuelan military intelligence services, including through the “creation of new bodies (órganos)”.
  • The MOU also tasked Cuban officials with training DGCIM officials, including higher-ranking officers, and with playing an active role in Venezuelan counter-intelligence efforts. The objective of the collaboration is in part defined as “discovering and confronting subversive and intelligence efforts on behalf of the enemy as well as criminal activity”. A separate agreement signed at the same time established a joint Cuban-Venezuelan committee comprised of Cuban military experts who would oversee inspections on, and trainings of, the FANB as a whole. According to confidential documents reviewed by the Mission, this collaboration continued over time without expiration deadlines.
  • Former DGCIM employees told the Mission that, after the signing of the MOU, Cuban officials began leading trainings at the Boleíta military academy, and shadowed DGCIM officials in the regional offices and in Boleíta. The Cubans formulated instructions as suggestions rather than orders, but if they were not followed by a DGCIM agent, he/she would be marked as a “person of operative interest” (persona de interés operativo, a suspected counter-revolutionary). Former DGCIM employees and a high-level FANB officer told the Mission that Cuban officials played a leading role in developing interrogation techniques and surveillance methods in DGCIM, as well as the structures and objectives of Directorates, including the Directorates of Communications and Operations. It was common for DGCIM agents to travel to Cuba for trainings.

In this regard, in a recent interview with Claudio Fantini in the program Cuarto de Hora, conducted by journalist Jorge Elías on CADALTV, the expert in international affairs explained in a very didactic way why Cuban intelligence is one of the keys to the subsistence of the Venezuelan regime.

Therefore, condemning the Venezuelan dictatorship and ignoring the Cuban one is like seeing the tree but not the forest. Furthermore, according to experts consulted, when a State that did not sign the Treaty of Rome, such as Cuba, commits human rights violations in a State that did sign it, such as Venezuela, then it can be denounced in The Hague. Will the time ever come for the old Cuban military dictatorship to submit to international justice?

Gabriel C. Salvia
Gabriel C. Salvia
General Director of CADAL
Human rights activist dedicated to international democratic solidarity. In 2024 he received the Gratias Agit Award from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Czech Republic. He is the author of the books “Memory, human rights and international democratic solidarity” (2024) and “Bailando por un espejismo: apuntes sobre política, economía y diplomacia en los gobiernos de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner” (2017). In addition, he compiled several books, including “75 años de la Declaración Universal de Derechos Humanos: Miradas desde Cuba” (2023), “Human rights in international relations and foreign policy” (2021), “Desafíos para el fortalecimiento democrático en la Argentina” (2015), “Un balance político a 30 años del retorno a la democracia en Argentina” (2013) and “Diplomacy and Human Rights in Cuba” (2011), His opinion columns have been published in several Spanish-language media. He currently publishes in Clarín, Perfil, Infobae and La Nación, in Argentina. He has participated in international conferences in Latin America, Africa, Asia, Europe, the Balkans and the United States. Since 1992 he has served as director of Civil Society Organizations and is a founding member of CADAL. As a journalist, he worked between 1992 and 1997 in print, radio and TV specialized in parliamentary, political and economic issues, and later contributed with interviews in La Nación and Perfil.
 
 
 

 
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