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Although a visible deterioration had already been observable in the preceding months, everything began in April 2023 when the paramilitary troops of the RSF (Rapid Support Forces), which were supposed to be integrated into the Sudanese national army, began fighting the latter after a series of disagreements over their incorporation into the official military structure. The outbreak of fighting abruptly ended any possibility of a democratic transition following the fall of Omar Al-Bashir’s Islamist dictatorship (1989–2019). Currently, the Sovereign Transitional Council is struggling to subdue the rebel troops. In particular, the RSF have almost complete control over Darfur, where massacres against non-Arab populations are accelerating—continuing what has been called the first genocide of the 21st century. This ongoing violence remains largely ignored, taking advantage of global indifference and the inability to respond.
In general, the figures are grim in a scenario marked by severe human rights violations committed by both sides—such as the use of rape as a weapon of war—turning Sudan into the worst humanitarian crisis of today, with more than 14 million people forced to flee their homes. Additionally, more than 3 million people have sought refuge in neighboring countries such as South Sudan, Egypt, and Chad, further complicating the already volatile regional landscape. Nearly half of the country—just over 25 million people—suffers from alarming levels of malnutrition, evoking the recurring specter of devastating famines, such as the one that struck Ethiopia in the 1980s. Equally concerning, a U.S. source has reported that up to 150,000 people may have died since the conflict began. To make matters worse, though largely absent from the media agenda, the rebel forces led by Hemedti and his allies are reportedly declaring the creation of a parallel government, in a move reminiscent of Libya’s political fragmentation. A transitional constitution has already been approved, raising the possibility of partitioning a nation that is barely surviving the war, thus deepening an already dire humanitarian crisis. The United Nations Security Council has expressed alarm, condemning this development and also reproaching the Kenyan government for hosting the meeting that led to the agreement on the establishment of a possible parallel Sudanese authority, which would be disastrous for national unity. Meanwhile, Washington has stated that this attempt to form a new government does not contribute to peace and security in the country.
The continuing Darfuri genocide
The horror unfolding in this region of western Sudan has been ongoing for more than twenty years, resulting in at least half a million deaths under a sustained policy of ethnic cleansing against non-Arab groups. The genocidal militias of Arab origin, known as the Janjaweed, primarily target the non-Arabized ethnic groups—the Fur, Masalit, and Zaghawa. The killings, or rather a systematic extermination plan, date back to early 2003 and are not driven by religion but by ethnic and social factors, as the majority of Darfur’s population is Muslim. Moreover, these same militias now partly form the armed wing of Hemedti and are financed by the abundant gold mined in Darfur, as well as significant external support, particularly from the wealthy United Arab Emirates. The U.S. government has firmly addressed the roots of this tragic history in Darfur. In early 2025, former Secretary of State Antony Blinken stated that the RSF in Darfur are perpetrating genocide.
Little has changed—impunity remains widespread. However, in an even more dire context, the RSF and their partners now have even greater freedom to carry out their ethnic cleansing maneuvers under global indifference, giving them a free hand for a scorched-earth policy, even wiping entire villages off the map. Since the war broke out in mid-April 2023, the RSF have attacked countless villages—looting, raping, and provoking new waves of population displacement. These raids were carried out with extreme intensity, the worst occurring between May and June 2023. The numbers are staggering. For example, from El-Fasher, the state capital of North Darfur, and surrounding areas, some 605,000 people were forced to flee between April 1, 2023, and January 31, 2024. For those following the conflict, the massacre in Ardamata—a town in West Darfur—will be remembered with horror. Over nearly a week of violence in November 2023, Masalit civilians were executed or burned alive. On a single day, 66 young men were summarily executed after being separated from the women. The RSF and their allies also arrested many more, and to this day, many remain unaccounted for. Many corpses were thrown into mass graves, while others were left abandoned in the streets. In total, an estimated 800 people were killed. Those who survived these atrocities sought refuge in neighboring Chad.
Finally, to avoid extending this brief inventory of war crimes that warrant multiple condemnations, in the context of heavy fighting—now approaching a year—for control of El-Fasher, the last stronghold of the official forces in Darfur, the RSF was accused in February 2025 of being responsible for heavy artillery attacks on Sudan’s largest refugee camp, Zamzam (North Darfur, 15 kilometers south of the state capital). These attacks hit, among other places, the camp’s market, further worsening an already dire situation, especially after famine was declared in August 2024. Given the severity of the situation and the indiscriminate attacks by militias, Médecins Sans Frontières announced at the end of the month that it would suspend operations at the site, which shelters some 500,000 people—a decision made with much regret despite the growing humanitarian needs.
Inhumane acts (2.0)
The violence clearly extends beyond the horrors previously described in Darfur and crosses its borders. The most serious allegation against the RSF since April 2023 came from the Sudanese government, which accused the rival force of killing 433 civilians, including babies, in attacks on villages in the south-central state of White Nile during the first weeks of this year. However, the RSF is not the only party facing a series of accusations and condemnations. In January, the forces commanded by the transitional leader, General Al-Burhan, were accused by the United States—which had promoted and participated in two rounds of failed negotiations—of blocking humanitarian aid and launching indiscriminate attacks against civilian targets. As a result, Washington imposed sanctions on the Khartoum government, just as it had previously sanctioned its rival, Hemedti. In both cases, the objective, beyond economic sanctions, is to prevent the flow of weapons to the warring parties.
In terms of international justice, the ICC is conducting investigations into alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity. The most evident case is the genocide in Darfur, but it is not the only one. The invisibility of the worst humanitarian crisis on the planet is staggering and highlights another issue in conclusion: as the facts show, in war, there are neither absolute villains nor heroes—only victims and perpetrators. Clearly, in Sudan, the former are among the most forgotten in the world in this conflict, which can now be defined as the Third Sudanese Civil War. Will it last as long as the two previous ones? In any case, the term civil war seems insufficient in the face of the humanitarian catastrophe and the clear evidence of genocide.
